Ce qu’il faut retenir
Two competing Libyan economic zones – Misrata on the western coast and Syrte in the east – shared the same Parisian stage to lure French capital. Each offers tax holidays and full foreign ownership, yet their pitches reveal contrasting logistics visions and the persistent divide between the Government of National Unity in Tripoli and the rival Government of National Stability in Benghazi.
Contexte Parisien
Ambition Africa, the Franco-African business forum held at the French Ministry for the Economy, provided an unprecedented platform for both Libyan camps. Paris, anxious to re-energise its commercial presence south of the Mediterranean, invited the zones as event sponsors, signalling a pragmatic stance that sidesteps hard politics in favour of trade facilitation.
French companies have largely left the Libyan market since 2014, leaving space for Italian, Turkish, Egyptian and Chinese competitors. Business France officials concede that visibility is low, yet insist that 2024 marks a turning point in due-diligence efforts aimed at derisking potential contracts for small and medium-sized enterprises.
Misrata Free Zone Spotlight
Misrata Free Zone director Ayman Hmeida Al-Derwish presented a 750-hectare enclave wrapped around one of Libya’s busiest ports, handling roughly sixty-five percent of national imports. The site now promotes petrochemical services, signalling diversification beyond traditional container traffic.
Foreign investors receive full exemption from duties and corporate taxes for the duration of their projects, alongside unrestricted capital repatriation. Tripoli officials frame the port as a natural maritime gateway for French industrial supply chains targeting North African and Sahelian consumers.
Syrte Airport Corridor
Across the political aisle, Mahmud Elforjan of the eastern National Development Agency extolled a new free zone centred on Syrte’s airport, projected to process three million passengers yearly. Located midway between Tripoli and Benghazi, the hub is marketed as a bridge between Mediterranean trade lanes and deep-continental corridors into Chad, Niger and Sudan.
Planned clusters cover logistics, agro-industry and construction materials, sectors the Benghazi camp believes align with French engineering strengths. Concession models promise similar fiscal incentives to Misrata, but hinge on swift runway upgrades financed through a mix of Gulf and domestic capital, according to organisers.
Calendrier des Investissements
Business France has signed memoranda with both zones and will host Libyan importers on a roadshow across six French cities during the first half of 2026. Delegates are expected to visit factories in Lyon, Nantes and Marseille to negotiate distribution agreements for consumer goods.
Parallel technical missions will assess port handling capacity in Misrata and tarmac resilience in Syrte by mid-2025. Officials stress that French credit insurers demand clear project pipelines, milestone-linked disbursements and arbitration clauses recognised by both Libyan legislatures before underwriting exports.
Acteurs en Première Ligne
In Tripoli, the GUN counts on the Central Bank’s foreign reserves and maritime unions to smooth procurement. In Benghazi, the GSL leans on tribal councils around the Gulf of Sidra to secure land titles and labour pools.
European strategists also watch regional heavyweights. Italy’s ENI and Turkey’s Yapi Merkezi already operate in Misrata, while Egypt’s Arab Contractors survey roads leading to Syrte. French entrants such as CMA CGM or ADP Ingénierie must therefore navigate a crowded field where first-mover advantages erode quickly.
Scénarios pour 2026
Should security conditions stabilise, Tripoli envisions Misrata rivalling Tanger-Med as a transhipment hub, capturing Sahel-bound traffic redirected from congested Central Mediterranean routes. Success would bolster the GUN’s fiscal autonomy and, by extension, its leverage in stalled unification talks.
Conversely, a fully operational Syrte airport could reorient humanitarian and mineral cargoes toward the east, consolidating Benghazi’s claim to national resources. For French firms, the optimal strategy may involve a dual presence hedged by robust compliance frameworks, minimising political-territorial risk while reclaiming a share of Libya’s reconstruction boom.
